Azad Kashmir Youth and Rising Nationalism

Abstract

Azad Jammu and Kashmir AJK, which is traditionally considered as base camp of Kashmir independence movement, has seen a recent stir to political consciousness among its younger generations. As it stands in the shade of its dependent affiliation with Pakistan and its existence in the greater Kashmir dispute, there is a surging civic nationalism which is now reshaping the internal political rhetoric of AJK. This paper discusses the rise of youth-based nationalism within the context of Social Movement Theory that explains how discontent, mobilizing structures, and political opportunity lead to collective action.

The analysis adopts a qualitative approach based on secondary sources, political sources, and reports about mobilization of youth. The results indicate that nationalism has emerged due to continuous political dependence, inequitable access to resources, and an apparent lack of leadership, especially following the removal of special constitutional status in Jammu and Kashmir on August 5, 2019, by India. Against this background, the Joint Awami Action Committee (JAAC) rallied the youth on the grounds of dignity, fairness, and autonomy. Construed as civic instead of separatism, this nationalism strains toward equitable cooperation with Pakistan and poses a threat as well as an opportunity to reformative democracy in AJK.

Keywords: Azad Jammu and Kashmir, civic nationalism, youth mobilization, Social Movement Theory, Joint Awami Action Committee

1. Introduction

 Azad Jammu Kashmir AJK holds a very distinctive place in the politics of the South Asian region. As an established autonomous state on paper, its government and political structure are still intimately connected with Pakistan.[1] This order established by the events of 1947, and by the continued conflict over Kashmir has long limited the ability of AJK to express itself as politically independent. Over the past few years, however, a noticeable change has taken place in the younger generation of the region. Young people are becoming more vocal in their complaints of insufficient political space, economic dependency, and constitutional ambiguity, leading to the development of new versions of nationalist consciousness.[2]

BY:Usama Jamshed

Youth constitute a large portion in the population of AJK and therefore, crucial to the social and political future of AJK. Their aspirations are the product of various strata of experience: as a lived reality of constrained freedom, as a result of unemployment and underdevelopment, and as a result of exposure to wider global discourses diaspora subjects and the internet. The combination of these conditions has produced a situation in which the young generation is challenging inherited political arrangements and insisting on identity as Kashmiris.

It is hard to say that nationalism among youth is emerging out of vacuum. Instead, it became influenced by the historical grievances, empowered by the current frustrations, and politically organized through the collective platforms like the Joint Awami Action Committee (JAAC). Movements of this sort represent examples of how channeled discontent translates itself into coherent political demands through organized group effort. Social Movement Theory is a valuable to contextualize these changes because it highlights what happens when grievances, resources and opportunities collide, turning disparate frustrations into combined action.[3] This trend is currently evident in the growing nationalism of Kashmiris in AJK, as the existing discourse i.e. the demands of the youth is slowly being reshaped by the youth activists.

Although the cooperation between Pakistan and AJK has traditionally been discussed as the support of the bigger Kashmir agenda, the sheer interest of Pakistan in the local political sphere of AJK has also raised concerns. The synchronization of AJK political systems with the national politics of Pakistan has not allowed much autonomy in decision-making, which is seen as a barrier to true self-representation by the young AJK liberties. Instead of outright rejection, their demands capture the appeal to dignity, involvement in decisions, as well as recognition of their role as agents in the determination of the future of the region.

The emerging youth nationalism in Azad Jammu and Kashmir has significant implications on Kashmir dispute and the overall stability of the region. It does not only pose challenge to established order but provide the opportunity of fruitful interaction. If approached constructively, in an inclusive manner, the aspirations of the youth can become a source of democratic renewal and if handled with force, alienation and instability are likely to increase.[4] In this sense, the growing political awareness of the young people in AJK is an important aspect both locally and in broader geopolitical context of the South Asian region.

2. Historical Background

The politics of Azad Jammu and Kashmir (AJK) can be considered as a byproduct of the larger Kashmir conflict that has occurred as a result of the Partition of British India in 1947.[5] After the tribal support and the subsequent war between India and Pakistan, the territory now called AJK became the administrative part of Pakistan, whereas the other part of the princely state was left in the hands of India. Since that time, AJK had lived in a rather ambiguous constitutional state: it is neither the province of Pakistan and nor it is a fully recognised sovereign state. Rather it operates within a system, which on the one hand provides partial autonomy whilst still maintaining overall control by Pakistani institutions.[6]

AJK in early decades had interim arrangements to handle the political affairs mainly. The formation of AJK Government in 1947, which had a President and a Prime Minister, was an indication of somewhat independence but the Interim Constitution Act of 1974, curtailed few freedom of the territory. In this arrangement, matters pertaining to defense, currency, foreign policy and communication were reserved for Islamabad control, while the Kashmir Council, dominated by Islamabad, wielded decisive influence over legislation and governance. This institutional framework consolidated a dependency relationship at the expense of political agency by AJK.[7]

AJK also became dependent on party politics that was reflected in the region over time. In AJK, political parties have been largely extensions of their counterparts in Pakistan with electoral outcomes being a matter of power transfer in Pakistani politics. This opposed the independent decisions of Kashmiri electorate. This tendency has built up the assumption that the political order in AJK is not genuine; the decisions of significant relevance to people seem to be determined by the external forces. These perceptions have gradually led to the disillusionment of people and encouraged true demands of self-representations.

These political constraints in AJK are further compounded by economic factors. Despite its rich natural resources, including hydropower potential, AJK has faced persistent underdevelopment and limited industrialization. Meanwhile, one should not disregard the historical role AJK played in the Kashmir issue as a whole. With its political identity bound together with the self determination of all the Kashmiris, the territory has been posed as the base camp of the Kashmir freedom movement.[8] Such rhetoric has served the purpose of keeping Kashmir dispute alive on international forums, but also led to internal stagnation in the development of democracy in AJK. Political rhetoric continued to be premised on the external aspect of the conflict, leaving domestic desires neglected.

The birth of a new form of political consciousness among the younger generation in the recent decades is a result of political dependency, economic grievances, and inability to find any meaningful ways to engage in the decision-making processes. The focus and direction of the current wave of nationalism in AJK is totally different when compared to the previous ones since the current-day nationalism is less concerned with the larger Kashmir question across the Line of Control and more about questioning the established governance in the region and the role played by Pakistan in establishing it. This historical progression is necessary to gain the context of the recent phenomenon of youth-led nationalism in AJK.

3. Factors Leading to Rising Nationalism

The increase in the nationalism of the youth in Azad Jammu and Kashmir (AJK) cannot be seen in a vacuum. It is the result of systemic circumstances that have been in progress for a long time with some sudden political surprises and generation changes. Social Movement Theory can be used to give an explanation to this phenomenon that is based on collective grievances, mobilizing structures, as well as political opportunities (5TH August 2019).[9] In this context, youth nationalism in AJK is an outcome of the sense of political dependency, disappointment with the economy, and also the phenomenon of emerging mobilization avenues, and of the lack of true representative leadership.

Political Grievances: Dependency and Leadership Gap

The political framework of AJK has always been affected by its subordination to Islamabad. Although AJK has its own constitution and an elected legislative assembly, but major powers have traditionally laid with the Kashmir Council and the Government of Pakistan. Policy-making, finance, or even constitutional reforms were subordinate to the approval of Islamabad, and the extent of real autonomy was limited.[10] This system was frequently defended on the basis that it was necessary to preserve unity in the wider Kashmir issue, but in practice it constrained the development of AJKs indigenous political capability.

This dependency was supported by local political leaders who would always support Islamabad authorities on any given direction rather than developing a strategy of their own. There are major political parties in AJK which are the direct extensions of similar parties in Pakistan hence the findings on the polls thus tend to be an echo of those that occur in the national capital Islamabad. Gradually, this led to a frozen view that the politics of the AJK was not primarily a self-representation system but rather a satellite of Pakistani national politics.

The youth nationalism is also motivated by identity based grievances. For decades, the official discourse in AJK emphasized its role as a base camp for the broader Kashmir freedom struggle. Although this narrative retained a symbolic solidarity with the people of Indian-administered Jammu and Kashmir, it somehow overshadowed the internal needs of the AJK population and kept them marginalized. Irrespective of this, the AJK people still maintained a strong emotional and ideological bondage with the greater Kashmiri freedom movement. The martyrdoms of individuals in Indian controlled Jammu and Kashmir proved to be the constant reminder of their unity of identity and cause. To these young people, solidarity with the oppressed on the other side of the Line of Control played a central role in their political consciousness. They turned to their own leaders to harness this sentiment into effective political action, most potently in times of crisis.[11]

That crisis occurred with what happened on August 5, 2019. The abrogation of the special status of Jammu and Kashmir by India was seen as the most potent threat to Kashmir identity and demands. The time required an action of clarity, determination, and mobilization on the part of the leadership in AJK. The local political elite instead of being proactive which would have been expected of them were more or less passive, having no plan of action on how to channelize the anger and lead the young generation in this time of crisis. Their silence was deafening during this period, when people especially the youth expected something concrete to be done. Not only did this aggravate disillusionment but it also undermined the AJK as the keeper of the freedom struggle.

Without any leaderships, a political vacuum was created. Into this vacuum came the grassroots organization and movements like the Joint Awami Action Committee (JAAC) who echoed the anger of the youth. These new actors appealed to the grievances that long-established leaders had avoided, and they visibly exercised agency where others had sat back, and they thus successfully re-engineered the status quo they vice-versa turned discontent into nationalist mobilization. The lack of political leadership did, thus, not only mark incompetence; it refashioned AJK politics by making youth central to nationalist practice.

Economic Grievances: Unequal Development and Unemployment

Economic grievances are among the main factors which promote nationalist feeling. Although, the AJK has a rich geography in terms of available resources, it is in an underdeveloped state economically. It is cited that exploitation of resources like hydropower, especially in projects like the Mangla dam has been exploited without benefit sharing. Although such hydropower projects help in fulfilling energy requirements of Pakistan (2900MW), but it has come at the cost of people, who have been left displaced, poor compensation and inadequate reinvestment.[12]

The economic under-development on the other hand brings with it, high unemployment rate (18%) which is highest ratio in the whole region which leads to limited opportunities for the youth. Industrialization and employment within AJK is not very developed, thus the need to migrate outside has become a norm. On the other hand no bank in AJK can handle the remittances sent by their oversea people. Rather these remittances contributes a major portion in Pakistan’s foreign currency reserves, but again the benefits are not shared to AJK people proportionately. This large diaspora has been both a symptom of economic stagnation and a catalyst for political awareness. The experience of democratic political systems and civil liberties in other countries has transformed the mindsets of the young Kashmiris and led to further calls of demand on greater political freedom and self-determination back in the homeland.[13]

Mobilizing Structures: Diaspora, Social Media, and Grassroots Networks

Grievances in themselves are not devoid of movements, but they do need mobilizing structures to organize movements. In case of AJK, the diaspora has taken the central stage. The Kashmiri diaspora, especially the United Kingdom and Europe has been a vocal promoter of the political rights of Kashmir. The young people in AJK are linked heavily with these diaspora networks both through family bonds, remittances, and communication networks. The diaspora not only furnishes resources, but also supplies an external audience capable of validating nationalist discourses developing in AJK.[14]

Social media has shifted to how we mobilize as well, the widespread use of platforms like Facebook, X, and WhatsApp allow the youth in Kashmir to establish grievances, organize protests, as well as refute narrative-controlled by the state. Social media stretches voices that have otherwise been silenced and enables local activism to reach international geographies. Importantly, it also decreases the dependence on the old system of politics and allows the youth an autonomous platform to influence and disseminate nationalist rhetoric.[15]

Mobilization is also achievable through grassroots networks which are usually based on student groups, cultural associations and informal neighborhood committees. Such networks give the organizational foundation needed in order to sustain activism.[16] They enable them to co-ordinate protests, share ideas and build a sense of an identity not based on allegiance to a party but on the national identity.

A leadership vacuum, thus, not only underscores the frailties of the old political dispensation but serves as justification to the rise of new actors. It was a turning point whereby the youths of AJK, who used to be marginal to politics, became the center of defining and pursuing nationalistic interests.

4. The Role of the Joint Awami Action Committee (JAAC)

The formation of Joint Awami Action Committee (JAAC) was a major landmark in the politics of AJK. It is an effort by the grassroots leaders to gain power after years of reliance on external political forces.[17] Through empowering the younger generations and framing their grievances, which was avoided by the mainstream parties, JAAC was able to channel national frustrations into a nationalist movement.[18] Its emergence depicts the way movements born out of leadership vacuum can transform the discourse of politics, especially when the movements rely on inclusive organizing, non-traditional structures, and symbols of collective identity.

Origins and Structure

JAAC was formed by an alliance of traders, the civil society, students, and professionals and over time came together to form an umbrella body that transcend partisan divides.[19] Relative to what had been happening under normal political organizations, it did not originate from some kind of elites negotiations or simply orders coming down from Islamabad. Rather, it took hold on local issues, electricity prices, and taxes among other issues as well as larger questions of political autonomy. Such a bottom-up formation set JAAC apart from mainstream parties in AJK, whose policies quite often reflected a change in the state politics in Pakistan. In establishing a platform not bound to any political affiliations with traditional political structures, JAAC won the confidence of young people, who had long needed a movement that spoke to their lived experiences.

Mobilizing Grievances into Collective Action

The most central accomplishment of JAAC is in creating organized activism out of isolated grievances. Problems of unequal electricity tariffs, resource extraction without any local benefit, and political sidelining had existed since long.[20] However, they have been isolated and divided. JAAC filled in this gap by placing these complaints within a larger nationalist context- showing them not as administrative shortcomings alone but rather as manifestations of structural subordination.

By style of protest marches, sit-ins, and awareness programs, JAAC organized groups of people both in that urban and rural regions. The cumulative strength of the demonstrations that it organized on various issues typically involving thousands of people was also an indicator of how deeply people were frustrated as well as its mobilizing strengths.[21] The social media enhanced these initiatives and the movement was able to reach out to the diaspora and gain attention outside of AJK.

Youth at the Core of JAAC

The young people constituted the core of the activism of JAAC. Feeling disenfranchised with the organizational politics of the mainstream, young Kashmiris took JAAC as an avenue to find agency. Student groups, unemployed graduates, and young professionals engaged in the most active protestation and sustenance of protests. To most of the youth, the party epitomized the hope that they may free themselves of the dependency cycle that had become characteristic of the politics by AJK. By casting the local battles in terms of volition of dignity, justice and autonomy, JAAC appealed to the generational will of relevance in politics.[22] Theirs being young leaders of the JAAC further concretised the impression that JAAC was a real alternative to the old political elite.

Ways of Mobilization

In comparison with the conventional political activism in AJK, the approaches adopted by JAAC were original. JAAC incorporated following strategies

·         Decentralized organizing: JAAC did not make decisions based on a pyramidal structure; instead the organization facilitated a more flexible structure, which provided a greater amount of initiative compared to local chapters and other community groups.

·         Issue based framing: Issue based framing enabled JAAC to make the movement both accessible and transformative by relating short term social-economic issues (e. g electricity price rise) to nationalistic issues.

·         Non-partisan positioning: JAAC did not have to appeal to one party or group, which had to give JAAC credibility in the eyes of various social constituents.

·         Symbolic language: Use of articulation of the protests by JAAC as a struggle to obtain dignity and rights appealed to historical memory in Kashmir and made it more palatable to its nationalist audiences.[23]

Relationship with the State

The emergence of JAAC also redesigned its relation with the AJK government and Islamabad. Although it did not oppose completely the relation with Pakistan, JAAC had a critical stand in the aspect of relation with Pakistan. It demanded respect of autonomy of AJK, more control over resources and sincere political space to local actors.[24]

In the process of doing so, JAAC assumed an attitude of constructive criticism. Instead of positioning its demands as secessionist, it focused on the factors of dignity, fairness and justice in the context of historical commitments.[25] This balancing of the diplomatic playing field enabled JAAC to escape the countering to being simply dismissed out of hand as being called an anti-state organization, and yet it raised issues of objections to the status quo.

Limitations and Challenges

In spite of its successes, JAAC has a number of issues that may determine its path. And to start with first, it may not be easy to sustain the momentum without institutional structure. Political parties that emerged out of demonstrations usually fail to mature into the more permanent political organizations.[26] Second, state ability to co-opt or repress grassroots activism is a threat to independence of JAAC. Lastly, the internal diversities that entail maintaining a balance between socio-economic demands and nationalist ambitions will only be managed with prudent leadership in order to curtail fragmentation.

Transitional Movement

JAAC can be regarded as a transitional movement eventually. It arose as a consequence of a leadership vacuum and used grievances to make them collectively effective and changed the political rhetoric of AJK.[27] The question of whether it will become a permanent political force is to be questioned too, as well as the future potential catalyst of the current movement. Still, one cannot underestimate its role in influencing the political process; namely, the voices of younger generations and ordinary citizens were brought back to the center of the political struggle in AJK, as the nationalist framework proposed by the organization includes notions of dignity, autonomy, and socio-economic justice.

5. Conclusion and Policy Recommendations

The increased civic nationalism of the young generation in AJK poses as a stress as well as an opportunity to Pakistan. On the one hand, the growing feeling of political dependency, unequal distribution of resources and perceivable vacuum in political leadership has given rise to a new political awareness which is questioning the established order. Demands of Youth participation through Joint Awami Action Committee (JAAC) show that younger generation in AJK are not satisfied with a mere demonstration anymore, but they require to play a role. Otherwise, these voices can be overlooked or even silenced, and Pakistan runs the danger of increasing the level of disillusionment and alienation in the region that has historically been regarded as the base camp of the Kashmir freedom struggle.

Civic nationalism offers Pakistan a chance to form a stronger connection with AJK on the other hand. This nationalism is not based on separatist ideology as it is anchored in idealism of equality, equality, and collaboration. It can earn legitimacy in AJK by positively addressing its young people by recognizing their aspirations and can use them to project themselves to the international community as a state, which allows democratic rights and expression and promotes a peaceful process.

In order to exploit this opportunity, a number of policy actions are imperative. The first is that Pakistan needs to provide AJK with more political space through decentralization and empowerment of local institutions. Second, equal access and distribution of resources to eliminate long economic resentment. Third, youth-specific initiatives in education, occupation, and civil societies need to be increased to direct the zeal of Kashmiri youth into constructive avenues. Lastly, Islamabad should employ a participatory strategy that involves the young people in the greater Kashmir struggle, as opposed to merely recipients of policy.

Bibliography

Al Jazeera. “Civil Disobedience in AJK: JAAC’s Rise against Political Dependency.” August 18, 2023.

Al Jazeera English. “Youth at the Forefront of JAAC Protests.” May 15, 2023.

Bénéï, Véronique, and Crispin Bates, eds. The Global Indian Diaspora: Narratives, Identities and Locality. London: Routledge, 2007.

BBC Urdu. “Mass Protests Sweep AJK Over Power Tariffs.” May 14, 2023.

EFSAS (European Foundation for South Asian Studies). “Civic Nationalism in AJK: Implications for Pakistan.” Commentary, April 2024.

Express Tribune. “Traders, Students Unite Under JAAC Banner in AJK.” August 22, 2023.

Haidar, Suhasini. “Explained: The Revocation of Article 370 and Its Aftermath.” The Hindu, August 6, 2019.

Lamb, Alastair. Kashmir: A Disputed Legacy, 1846–1990. London: Roxford Books, 1991.

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 “The Impact of Mangla Dam Expansion on AJK’s Economy.” Pakistan Development Review 47, no. 4 (2008): 491–509.

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Noor Uddin, Irfan, and Sumit Ganguly. “The Political Use of Social Media in Kashmir.” Journal of Democracy 27, no. 3 (2016): 131–137.

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Schofield, Victoria. Kashmir in Conflict: India, Pakistan and the Unending War. 3rd ed. London: I.B. Tauris, 2021.

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The News International. “AJK Government Engages with JAAC Leaders amid Protests.” October 6, 2023.

“AJK’s Youth Movement Reshaping Politics: The Role of JAAC.” March 3, 2024.

Tilly, Charles. Social Movements, 1768–2012. Boulder: Paradigm Publishers, 2012.

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