Abstract
“Wars are fought with weapons, but they are won by the environment of the people”. This assertion finds its echo in India-Occupied Jammu and Kashmir, where not only people have been dispossessed by militarization but people have also destroyed the fragile ecologies. The land, which abounds in glaciers commonly referred to as the Third Pole, is at the same time contentious and vital to South Asia water security. The troop density (close to 900,000 Indian forces)
and the deep-rooted infrastructure, along with unsustainable militarized tourism, have damaged forest cover, soil erosion, biodiversity losses, toxicity in the water, and the air. Militarization increases the effects of climate change, fast-tracking meltdown of glaciers, shifting of hydrological systems, and increasing vulnerabilities of marginalized populations. In this study, we interrogate the intertwining of militarization, the degradation of nature, and climate injustice, contending that Kashmir is a quintessential case of eco-colonialism: where ecological exploitation is used as a means of political control. +-/Combining political ecology, postcolonial environmentalism and climate justice approaches, the research paper critically discusses how ecological devastation is both a product and instrument of occupation, suppressed by international indifference but set to be at the heart of South Asian stability in the future.
RESEARCHER: MOHAMIN ZEESHAN
“The environment, after all, knows
no politics of borders, but war and occupation make it a captive
of power.” — Anonymous
Kashmiri activist, quoted in The Wire
(2019).1
Kashmir can be summed up with the language of geopolitics: undefined borders, insurgency, terrorism, sovereignty, and nuclear flash points. However, behind this potent securitized discourse lurks another truth that is seldom acknowledged on the international arena ecological scars of occupying military forces. The Kashmir Valley is not only littered with barbed wire and bunkers, but also by deforestation, polluted rivers, melting glaciers, and climate injustice.
This study highlights the overlap between environment, war, and postcolonial politics in the Indian-Occupied Kashmir (IOK). It aims to illustrate how militarization has caused extreme ecological degradation, and how occupation policies created eco-colonialism. Placing Kashmir within the broader debates of political ecology, post-colonial environmentalism and climate justice the study argues that Kashmir is an example of what Rob Nixon (2011) famously termed slow violence - the gradual, often unsentimental but carefully hidden destruction of ecosystems and communities in such a way that they escape immediate global focus.2
Militarization is not limited to violations of human rights such as arbitrary arrests, forced disappearances and manipulation of demography, but projects to environmental destruction as well. Army bases are constructed on fragile land, forests are cut down or subjected to emplacement of the bases, rivers diverted or contaminated by army functions. An example is the Siachen Glacier which was the highest and most pristine battlefield in the world, but due to military presence it is now melting at the rate of 110m/year (Hussain, 2003).3 The waste products left behind by soldiers also pollute the Indus River, which flows into Pakistan and north India and affecting millions of people.
Besides the glaciers, Kashmir has witnessed a sharp rise in the rate of deforestation particularly in the last few decades. It has been noted that more than 370,000 hectares of forest cover have been destroyed, and militarization contributes to this through militarization and illegal timber harvesting.4 Such environmental aggression hinders the ecological basis of livelihoods upon which rural Kashmiris rely, including as a source of fuel, pasture, and farmland. Likewise, water resources have been diverted in the grafting of hydroelectric dams by Indian control, posing concerns of hydro-hegemony and dispossession.
Human rights institutions report on extrajudicial killings, disappearances and limits of free speech, but the environmental aspects of the Kashmir conflict are probably not discussed in international forums. This has largely been a result of how the problem of Kashmir has been framed as one of security in India-Pakistan geopolitics. The destruction of the environment is reduced in collateral damages and not a central piece of evidence about systematic violence.
Such discursive obliteration mirrors what the scholars of critical security studies refer to as securitization bias, or the over-privileging of military and territorial security narratives to the detriment of human and environmental security.5 By deploying the language of democracy and sovereignty to fuel the obscurity of the lived realities of militarization in Kashmir, as was the case in Between Democracy and Nation by Seema Kazi6 (2009), the very language is utilized in the forging of these lived realities.
This research engages with three intersecting frameworks:
Political Ecology:
Emphasizes that how the environment is structured must be seen as a political question rather than a
natural one. Kashmir is a military state where the army is a central ecological
actor - determining the access to forests, rivers, and land.
Postcolonial Environmentalism: Applies the Edward Said attack on the concept of Orientalism to the environment.7 It demonstrates the reproduction of former colonial logics of resources exploitation and expropriation in postcolonial states. The history of intensive Indian involvement in Kashmir, such as land grabs or demographic change since 2019, has an eerie similarity with colonial forms of resources appropriation.
Climate Justice: Takes the ecological scars of Kashmir into the world of global disparities. The widespread effects of military overdevelopment, such as the lack of natural water, floods, and the loss of biodiversity, are disproportionately burdened on Kashmiri people, and beneficial consequences of resources extraction (hydropower, timber, land) fuel the Indian economy. This asymmetry is what scholars of climate justice would describe as unequal vulnerability (Roberts & Parks, 2007).8
This study seeks to make four key contributions:
Reframing Kashmir: The need to go beyond territorial disagreement to see how militarization is used as an ecological project.
Bridging
Gaps in Scholarship: Remedying
the silence on the environment in studies both of Kashmir and of conflict.
Advancing
Climate Justice Debates: Presenting the case that occupation
is a climate injustice and eco-colonialism.
Policy Relevance: It can provide evidence of international advocacy, such as demilitarization of ecologically fragile areas, integration of Kashmir into the UN climate discourse, and the acknowledgement of human rights as an aspect of the environment.
The central
hypothesis of this research is that:
“Environmental degradation
in Indian-Occupied Kashmir is not a side effect of conflict but a deliberate
outcome of militarization and eco-colonial policies, perpetuating climate
injustice at both local and global levels.”
Guiding questions include:
“Colonialism
is not satisfied merely with holding a people in its grip and emptying the
native’s brain of all form and content. It turns to the past of the oppressed people,
and distorts it, disfigures
it, and destroys it.” — Frantz Fanon, The Wretched of the
Earth (1961).9
The Kashmir dispute has long been characterized as territorial and nationalist contest between India and Pakistan. Nevertheless, viewed through the lens of political ecology and postcolonial environmentalism, the course of the political history of Kashmir shows that the exploitation of land, water, and other natural resources has always been an objective of its rule. The politics of Kashmir and the role of ecological control and dispossession cannot be separated, further, its domination by the Dogra rule, pre-Partition settlements, and militarization in the 1990s to the constitutional abrogation of Article 370 in 2019, all are related to how ecological control and dispossession are enforced.
7.1. Kashmir under Dogra Rule (1846–1947): Proto-Colonial Resource Exploitation
The contemporary history
of Kashmir originated with the Treaty
of Amritsar (1846),
in which the British sold the region
to a Dogra ruler, Gulab
Singh, at 7.5 million rupees.10 This transaction has made
Kashmir a commoditized territory where people and resources are regarded as
fungible property.
Kashmir under Dogra reign systematically lost its natural resources:
The agricultural surplus was wrung out by exploitative taxation, with irrigation systems going weak, making shrinking farmers vulnerable.
7.2. Post-Partition Kashmir
(1947–1950s): Geopolitics and Resource Militarization The
1947 Partition divided Kashmir between India and Pakistan. Although both of the
states explained their claims through references to national identity and
security, resource quickly became the key to their
strategic calculus. The waters of Indus running
through Kashmir attracted many disagreements, which led
to the signing of the Indus Waters Treaty (1960)11,
which itself could be viewed as a stunt on peace, but, in reality, deprived the
people of Kashmir the right to choose what to do with their own water. The Indian state-constructed bases, bunkers, and roads in the ecologically sensitive regions of
the Valley turned what previously was farms and forests to
The late eighties saw a shift: the flare up of the Kashmir insurgency in 1989 and the Indian reaction through intense troop deployment. By 1990s, Kashmir had been termed the most militarized region in the world.12 The impact on the environment was serious
Deforestation: Military constructions projects led to the deforestation of large areas of forests due to construction camps and roads. According to Hassan (2019), more than 370 000 ha of forest cover have been lost since the start of the insurgency, which has increased erosion, landslides, and habitat loss.13
Biodiversity Destruction: Rare species, including the Hangul deer (Cervus elaphus hangul), suffered massive decline as a result of habitat encroachment and poaching in the absence of governance.14
Siachen Glacier Militarization: In 1984, India moved into the region of the Siachen Glacier, which was the largest freshwater deposit in the world, and forced it into a battleground. Hussain (2003) reveals that more than 2,000 tons of military wastes (plastic, heavy metals, fuel) are displaced annually that poison the Nubra and Indus River systems. 15
Soil and River Pollution: Army bases leak raw sewage and oil waste into rivers like the Jhelum which affects agriculture and human health further down-stream.16
The 2010s saw the acceleration of infrastructure-bound ecological transformation in Kashmir. The Indian state ramped up hydroelectric and road development, which was heralded as development but was widely denounced as an instrument of extraction and control. In Jammu & Kashmir, there are now more than 60 hydropower projects commissioned or underway, many of which have been driven forward through controversial clearances that avoided local consent (The Hindu, 2018). This was combined with militarization of settlements and uncontrolled urban encroachment of land that made Srinagar and other towns prone to floods. The disastrous flooding of 2014 that displaced over 2.5 million individuals did not occur purely as a natural disaster but was the result of deforestation, encroachment on floodplains, and poor governance - structural effects of the occupationist policies.
On 5 August 2019, the Government of India announced unilaterally the abrogation of Article 370 and 35A taking away the semi-autonomous status of Jammu & Kashmir. This reciprocity day also not only changed the political status of Kashmir but even increased the pace of eco-colonial activity:
Until post-2019, there were no laws that did permit non-residents to purchase the land in Kashmir. This provoked the threats of settler-colonial type demographic transformation, at the expense of Kashmiri people and the opening of the fertile land to external actors.
Mining, sand and timber harvesting contracts were also awarded to Indian companies out of the region hence excluding the locals. In a 2020 auction there were 100 percent mineral blocks allotted to non-local companies which is a clear signal of grabbing away.18
The weakening of legal safeguards facilitated the speedy construction of dams, industrial estates as well as military infrastructures without much concern to the environmental assessment procedures.
Through its policies, India has been what scholars refer to as eco-colonialism, or in other words, the colonization of land or natural resources in the name of development at the cost of indigenous ecological systems and cultural identities.19
In Kashmir, this slow violence has been unfolding across centuries and culminating in the present- day form of climate injustice- ecological militarized colonialism.
“Nature is the
first victim of war.” — Vandana Shiva, Staying Alive:
Women, Ecology and Development (1989).20
Jammu & Kashmir has about 20 per cent geographical forest cover; this cover has witnessed a consistent decline as a result of logging, urbanization, and most notably militarization.
FSI estimates that since 1989, when the insurgency and the troop deployment became serious, J&K became short of over 370,000 hectares of forest.21
Military encroachment: Much forestland has been converted into military camps, highways, helicopter pads and bunkers. In 2015, more than 31000 hectares of forest had been directly occupied by the military (Hassan, 2019)22. Forest fires, which are frequently connected with military drills and artillery shelling across the Line of Control (LoC), ravage the unstable mountain ecosystems. Degradation of forest has been enhanced because timber smuggling has flourished in the condition of poor governance and militarized conflicts.
Ecological
consequences:
i. Landslides and erosion
of soil endanger agricultural production and settlements.
ii. The decrease in carbon sinks decreases the resilience to climate change.
iii. Other indigenous species such as yew Himalayan found in Taxus wallichiana which is important in cancer medication are threatened with extinction.
The Himalayas form the biggest fresh water reserve on the globe other than the poles, with Kashmir in the core of the delicate system. However, due to the loss of glaciers in alarming rates faster than other glaciers in the world, it is losing its glaciers. The largest one, Kolahoi Glacier has lost a considerable amount in the last 50 years, retreating with an average speed of 73 meters annually (Bhat et al., 2019). 23
The
strategically annexed Siachen Glacier has since turned out to be the highest garbage
dump in the world with both India and Pakistan
dumping over 2000 tons of plastic, metal, fuel, and chemical
waste there every year. This contamination, in the form of aviation fuel,
explosives and untreated human waste, contaminates the Indus and Nubra river
systems imperiling the water security of millions downstream. As Pervez Hoodbhoy notes, “The Siachen conflict is not only about territory; it is about the poisoning of Asia’s water towers.” The glacier war epitomizes the intersection of militarism and climate injustice.24
Rivers like the Jhelum, Chenab and Indus tributaries are lifeline of the agrarian society of Kashmir. They are, however, under a ferocious ecological strain:
Pollution: Army camps release raw sewage and oil effluence into the Jhelum and Dal Lake.
Sand mining: After 2019, riverbed sand digging was auctioned to non-local firms. The mechanized mining, done intensive, destabilizes the river ecosystems which threaten groundwater recharge and aquatic biodiversity.
Hydroelectric dams: More than 60 hydroelectric projects have been built or proposed in J&K, with little community participation. The Kishanganga and Ratle projects have already changed the water flows compromising the traditional irrigation.
There is high biodiversity in Kashmir, including the Hangul deer, snow leopard, Himalayan brown bear, and migratory birds. However, several decades of deforestation and militarization have seen many species being pushed to the threshold.
The number of Hangul deer has reduced to less than 200 now in comparison to their former strength of more than 3,000 (Wildlife Trust of India, 2021). Wetlands such as Hokersar and Wular Lake that are important to migratory birds have been eaten into by urban sprawl and military settlements. Increase in poaching has been witnessed under the conditions of conflict where the governments have weakened and forest guards are unable to patrol conflict zones.
Agriculture supports more than 60-percent of Kashmiri population, yet it experiences a dire stress due to the combination of ecological alternation and militarization:
Land Occupation: Thousands of hectares of good agricultural land were occupied to put up security systems and cantonments.
Climate impacts: The change in rainfall patterns and retreating glaciers endanger a prized commodity in Kashmir, Apples, and Saffron along with walnuts. Apple orchards, which produce about 8 percent of India apples, are also experiencing receding output because of unstable weather and pesticide contamination.
Livelihood insecurity: The loss of land and depreciation of resources serve to plunge farmers into poverty further exacerbating the humanitarian crisis caused by conflict.
The knot between militarization, ecological devotion, and institutional control is seen in urban spaces in Kashmir. In Srinagar alone, there are more than 191 occupied schools, 285 occupied government buildings and 110 occupied hotels by military and paramilitary (JKCCS Report, 2003). The Dal Lake, which had been an identity marker of Kashmiris, is now clogged by sewage, solid waste, and military effluents. It has lost over half of its area of 22 km 2 in 1859 and now is less than 10 km 2.
Unregulated construction, and changes in the climate due to glacial melt have exposed the area to a greater risk of flooding. Floods beating back an encroaching population. The 2014 floods, which displaced 2.5 million, were worsened by encroachment of flood plains and lack of drainage systems.
“Climate change is not just an environmental issue — it is a question of justice, power, and survival.” — Mary Robinson, Climate Justice: Hope, Resilience, and the Fight for a Sustainable Future (2018). The ecological crisis in Kashmir cannot be seen in separation to the issues of power, inequality, and colonial domination. The violations of this beautiful land are not a natural calamity but are the products of global climate injustice coupled with Eco colonialism, where militarization and authoritarian regimes serve to exacerbate vulnerabilities, with the spoils being upstream.
As glaciers thaw and jungles die, the cost is unequally shared:
Marginalized farmers and pastoralists are experiencing crop failures and loss of grazing lands. Women, who are the main water collectors and commonly serve as the agricultural workers, are uniquely vulnerable to the scarcity of resources. Seema Kazi (2009) observes that Kashmiri women are subject to the twin trauma of militarized violence and preoccupation with ecology. There is poor participation of urban poor in Srinagar in compensation and rehabilitation are victims of floods and pollution.
The abrogation of Article 370 in August 2019 was a major twist in the environmental governance of Kashmir. New legislation made available land, forests, and rivers to non-local investors, a move many Kashmiri scholars refer to as eco-colonialism - the expansion of settler-colonialism into resource expropriation.
Forest Rights Act (FRA) bypassed: Though the FRA provides India its rights over forest, the Kashmiri villagers have been evicted and denied forest claim. In 2020, more than 64,000 hectares of forest land was opened with the proviso of becoming a project area without consulting the locals.
Sand mining contracts: About 70 percent of the riverbed mining permits granted in both Jhelum and its side streams went to non-resident corporations in 2021, ousting local Kashmiri sand miners whose extraction methods were more modest and environmentally friendly.
Hydropower projects: A dam diverts rivers to serve Indian grid and Kashmir villages living down the river complain of drying riverbeds; fish kills and crop destruction.
Instead of viewing dispossession after 2019 as demographic engineering, as Khalid Shah (2020) suggests, it is more accurate to think in terms of ecological colonization: resources are extracted on behalf of outsiders, but locals are disenfranchised.
Eco-colonialism in Kashmir does not only work economically but also via militarization of nature:
Forests are now areas of counterinsurgency and villagers are restricted as military bases proliferate. Siachen-like glaciers are considered battlegrounds instead of delicate ecosystems Lakes and wetlands are securitized as well, with large portions of them blocked off or restricted. Here, nature itself becomes a thing to be harnessed - a resource to be manipulated, patrolled and used as a source of colonial power.
The environmental degradation results in severe human insecurity:
Waterborne diseases increase as rivers and lakes become polluted. The water of Dal Lake is contaminated with coliform bacteria 200 times beyond safety level because of sewage and military contamination.
Displacement: The 2014 floods displaced 2.5 million Kashmiris, with many of them not having returned home yet. Land militarization also limits resettlement.
The silence of the global climate and environmental institutions on Kashmir is an indicator to the larger issue of selective climate justice: The Amazon forests or the Arctic glaciers are the cause of a Western NGO campaign, but little to no climate activism is regularly raised concerning the Kashmir green wounds in the climate summits or by the IPCC. The silence is geopolitical: the geopolitics around Kashmir is a security dispute, not an environmental justice problem.
According to Vandana Shiva, climate apartheid is whereby those with power, resources and influence isolate themselves leaving the rest of the world to endure the climate burden. Kashmir is an extreme example of such.
Postcolonial thinkers interpret Kashmir ecological crisis in a continuum of colonial exploitation: Kashmir timber was also exported under the Dogra rule (18461947) to construct colonial infrastructure. 25Similarly, corporate controlled initiatives now underway in India (hydroelectric dams, mining, tourism, and occupation by the military) follow the colonial pattern of extraction without local control. Marx suggests occupants determine not only which death and life, but also which ecologies to sacrifice to achieve power as Achille Mbembe in his theory of necro politics implies.26 This eco-colonialism in Kashmir is, therefore, the intersection of historical colonialism and current climate injustice.
As Arundhati Roy wrote: “There’s really no such thing as the ‘voiceless’. There
are only the deliberately silenced, or the preferably unheard.”27
Kashmir’s environment has been both silenced
and unheard — reclaiming it is central to both ecological survival
and decolonial justice.
“The struggle
of man against power is the struggle of memory against forgetting.” —
Milan Kundera, The Book of Laughter and Forgetting (1979).28
The destruction of the environment in Kashmir is both material and discursive. How the global media, diplomatic service, and state discourse construct the crisis is what determines whether they accept it as a manifestation of human and ecological survival crisis or become invisible collateral consequences of security issues.
Indian state rhetoric is very dismissive of the ecological toll of militarization. Formal accounts mention ecological degradation as a consequence of overpopulation, mismanagement or local carelessness and fail to recognize the military involvement in the destruction of forests, glacial pollution or river contamination.
Indian media hype the Siachen Glacier dispute in the name of valorous military endurance as opposed to ecological atrocity where almost 900 tons of waste are buried in ice (Hussain, 2003). 29New Delhi has followed a policy of presenting hydropower and mining schemes as development since post-2019, and disregarding the consequences of displacement, river depletion, and biodiversity damage. It is a typical example of what has been described by Michel Foucault30, as regimes of truth, where the state manufactures discourses that make certain practices that are destructive to appear normal and needed.
In the context of diplomatic and international relations, Kashmir has dominantly been raised as a security problem between Pakistan and India, rather than a problem of an ecological or human rights problem. The United Nations Security Council (UNSC) discusses the issue of Kashmir purely in terms of ceasefires, terrorism and territorial claims. The interrelationship between such factors as glacier melt creating water scarcity in both Kashmir and Pakistan downstream is systematically omitted at the top levels of diplomacy. Even India promises at COP summits highlight hydropower in Kashmir as green energy by concealing the grim social and ecological price of destruction.
Why does Kashmir’s ecological crisis not resonate globally like the Amazon or Arctic?
Geopolitical Interests: The reason why Western states do not go into a confrontation over Kashmir is because they consider India a strategic partner to check Chinese power.
Narrative Control: The Indian positioning of Kashmir as an internal issue shrinks opportunities of global environmental non-government organizations and research firms.
Selective Humanitarianism: It is alarming that when a trustworthy international organization like Amnesty International, mobilizes in support of humanitarian crises in Palestine, Sudan, or Ukraine, Kashmir is a non-issue. This is what Edward Said referred to as strategic silence;31 those injustices under which it is too uncomfortable to speak. Global climate debates run the risk of turning into a type of climate colonialism, Vandana Shiva says, where the interests of richer states determine what ecologies are worth saving and which can be sacrificed.32
In spite of silencing, Kashmiri scholars, activists, and civil society are coming up with the counter- narratives:
Khalid Wasim Hassan33 (2019) prioritizes the nexus of militarization of conflicts and the ecological devastation in Kashmir. The local media has revealed how the mining contracts on the riverbed have been delegated off to strangers since the change in regime in 2019, and the indigenous locals of Kashmir have been evicted. Ecological movement - people include grassroots movements like campaigns to preserve the Wular Lake or oppose forest eviction as being synonymous with political freedom.34
Railing against power is railing against memory loss. To remember the environment is to remember the reality of occupation in Kashmir.
“Environmental justice cannot be achieved without social justice; ecological survival is inseparable from political freedom.” — Vandana Shiva, Staying Alive (1989).35
This thesis has discussed the ecological casualties of war in militarized Indian-occupied Kashmir, where environmental degradation, climate injustice and eco-colonialism collide in the context of prolonged occupation. The study revealed that:
Militarization is ecocidal, the deforestation, melting of glaciers, poisoning of water supplies, and land acquisition of half-a-million soldiers and associated infrastructure deployment in eco- sensitive areas are the direct consequences of militarization. In Kashmir, river pollution, deforestation, and glacial recession are not natural processes but the creation of political forces in order to create conditions that biologically sustain colonial rule.
Climate injustice is structural - Kashmiris are finding themselves on the receiving end of ecological degradation (displacement, water scarcity and agricultural meltdown) but are locked out of decisions related to their particular resources. Eco-colonialism intensifies post-2019 through legislation to facilitate demographic alteration, external resources exploitation and stripping Kashmiri peoples of their land. The normalization of injustice occurs through discourse and silence, as do degrees of normality through international institutions downplaying the political status of Kashmir to merely a security problem and as do levels of ecological havoc through denial of ecological damage, securitization, and selective humanitarianism.
To address the crisis, this research proposes the following recommendations:
The Kashmir dispute is not just a territorial, a border or an identity issue, but a crisis of forests chopped, glaciers polluted, rivers appropriated, and populations displaced. This study has made it clear that occupation is a two-fold violence against people and nature. Unless world players are aware of this intersection, Kashmir ecology will remain absorbed in the mundane chorus of silence, denial, and gradual disappearance. Finally, decolonization and climate justice are needed to heal the green wounds of Kashmir. One cannot be what the other is not.
As Rob Nixon warns, “environmentalism of the poor is not an optional ethic but a survival strategy.”36 For Kashmir, ecological survival is inseparable from freedom itself.
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