From
Autonomy to Annexation:
The
Constitutional and Colonial Implications of August 5 in Kashmir
BY: FAIQA KHALID
On 5 August 2019, the Government of India led by the BJP unilaterally revoked Articles 370 and 35A. These provisions had long insulated Jammu & Kashmir with internal autonomy, reserved its own constitution, and permitted local legislature to define “permanent residents,” restricting land ownership and public benefits accordingly.
Suddenly, Kashmir was stripped of its special constitutional
status and bifurcated into two centrally administered Union Territories—Jammu
& Kashmir and Ladakh—brought under the direct control of New Delhi. What
the Indian government described as an effort toward “national integration and
development” was, in reality, a narrative constructed to justify the illegal
revocation. Locally and internationally, it was widely perceived as a strategic
constitutional coup aimed at erasing Kashmir’s political identity and paving
the way for demographic engineering.
Within few months, new domicile rules
were introduced in May 2020, completely shifting
the criteria for residency eligibility that was based on the 15 years of
residence or 7 years of study in IOJK now entitled individuals to full domicile
status. The result: between 2022 and April 2025, over 3.51 million domicile certificates were
issued, and among them 83,742 went to individuals who had previously
been banned under the “state subject” criteria which was nearly 2.4% of all
certificates in just two years. Independent investigation confirms that the
totals and highlights claims by Pakistani authorities that 3.4 million “fake” certificates have been distributed to
non‑Kashmiris, constituting considered efforts to change the region’s character
Criticisers including Kashmir’s
opposition parties also warn that such a scale of inclusion of outsiders, who
can now compete for jobs, property and political influence, constitutes
engineered demographic change. One PDP legislator warned that the 83,742
outsiders equate to one electoral constituency and could profoundly reshape
future voting patterns.
Soon after domicile rules, new
regulations in October 2020 opened agricultural and
urban land ownership to non‑residents and new settlers. Critics liken the
strategy to Israel’s settler practices in occupied territories—where legal
instruments are used to facilitate migration and land acquisition while
marginalizing native populations. In Kashmir, mining and resource contracts
have overwhelmingly gone to outsiders: one report estimated up to 70% of
mineral tenders awarded to non‑locals, leaving Kashmiri contractors sidelined.
The abrogation was convoyed by one of
the world’s longest internet shutdowns, communications were slashed off almost
entirely for 213 days and alongside mass arrests under the Public Safety
Act and UAPA. Human Rights Watch, Amnesty International and UN experts
documented hundreds of arrests, including political leaders, human rights
defenders, journalists, and even children all often detained without charge or
legal route.
Press freedom has been under siege.
Journalists face summons, raids, passport seizures and travel bans. Some
international correspondents were told to surrender passports or face legal
action. Reporting on Kashmir is effectively criminalized unless it praises the
government. Human rights activists, including Khurram Parvez, have been jailed
under anti‑terror legislation for documenting disappearances and alleged
atrocities.
Contrary to official account, independent analysis shows real economic decline. According to the Forum for Human Rights in Jammu and Kashmir (TFHRJK), growth in Net State Domestic Product (NSDP) fell from 13.3% before abrogation to 8.7% afterwards; youth unemployment reached 18.3%, well above the Indian average.
Estimates
dwelling economic losses at over USD 3.5 billion, and around 500,000
Kashmiris purportedly lost jobs post‑2019. Local trade bodies reported
losses in crores of rupees. Competitive disadvantage emerged as tax cuts on
imports (e.g. Washington apples, Iranian saffron) destroyed domestic producers.
Infrastructure spending fails to offset rising exclusion of Keshmiris from
public jobs and opportunities.
More than 700,000 troops remain deployed, including paramilitaries and central forces. The Supreme Court, in December 2023, supported the abrogation but also ordered restoration of statehood and elections by September 2024 that orders that remain unfulfilled as of mid‑2025, suggesting continued democratic suspension.
Meanwhile,
restriction reforms have redrawn assembly seats to favour Hindu-majority
districts, amplifying the BJP’s electoral potential—interpreted by many as part
of a political consolidation plan masked as normal governance. Prime Minister
Modi began touring the region again in 2024 under heavy security, drumming
popular support while the promise of elections and inclusive governance
remained resolved.
Human rights activist and groups
including Amnesty and HRW also warn that India’s actions may fuel conflict
rather than peace, undermining rights and breeding alienation. Scholars and UN
experts have repeatedly highlighted violations of international norms: from
extrajudicial killings and enforced disappearances to entrenchment under AFSPA
(Armed Forces Special Powers Act), which bars meaningful redress or prosecution
of security personnel.
Pakistan has responded forcefully:
downgrading diplomatic ties, suspending bilateral initiatives, and declaring 5
August as Youm‑e‑Istehsal as national day of solidarity with Kashmiris and
protest against what it calls India’s exploitive colonisation of the region.
Pakistani officials have accused New Delhi of reflecting Israeli tactics and
violating the 4th Geneva Convention and UN resolutions by altering Kashmir’s
demography illegally.
For Kashmiris, 5 August remains a yearly Black Day a
traumatic split in their political identity and civic rights. The abrogation of
Articles 370 and 35A stripped away constitutional
protections, permitted outsider invasion through new domicile and land laws,
and turned the region into a legal and military frontier. Economic promises of
development have largely failed local communities; instead, unemployment has
surged, traditional industries decimated, and Kashmiri autonomy eroded through
political and demographic redesign.
Human rights abuses persist enforced
disappearances, arbitrary detentions, censorship, and violent suppression of
dissent remain common. India continues to resist genuine elections and restore
statehood authentically, while majoritarian political engineering advances
quietly through law and bureaucracy.
As international awareness grows,
Pakistan and much of the global Kashmiri diaspora continues to demand:
1.
Full
restoration of Article 370 and Article 35A in unaltered form
2.
Immediate
fair elections and reinstatement of democratic institutions
3.
A
halt to domicile and land transfer rules that alter demographics
4.
Repeal
of draconian security legislation such as UAPA, PSA and AFSPA
5.
Accountability
for human rights violations and access to international observers
The world must not allow Kashmir to
become another removed political identity beneath nationalist sanctions.
Demography should not be destiny. The fate of Kashmiri Muslims, political
pluralism, and constitutional justice depends on a coherent international response
and resolute assertion of self‑determination.
The writer is a student of International Relations
at International Islamic University, Islamabad and is currently serving as an
intern at Kashmir Institute of International Relations.