Great Power Competition and the Strategic Unsettling of Jammu & Kashmir
South Asia is
no longer insulated from global power politics. The rivalry between the United
States and China has entered the Himalayan theater and Jammu and Kashmir now
sits at the intersection of that contest. What appears on the surface as a
localized territorial dispute is, in reality, a node in a widening strategic
triangle involving India, China and the US.
By Mehr un Nisa
India’s foreign
policy over the past decade has been driven by a central assumption: alignment
with Washington would provide strategic leverage against Beijing. This logic
shaped India’s Indo-Pacific rhetoric, defence cooperation with the US and its
participation in minilateral groupings aimed at balancing China. The
expectation was clear, closer ties with the US would strengthen India’s hand in
its border disputes and enhance its regional standing.
That assumption
has not translated into outcomes.
The United
States views India as a useful partner in balancing China, but not as a treaty
ally. Washington’s commitments remain flexible, interest-based and subject to
domestic political change. India, however, structured part of its China
strategy around expectations of long-term American backing. This created a
strategic gap between India’s ambitions and the actual guarantees available.
China, by
contrast, has followed a linear and consistent strategy. It has not relied on
symbolic diplomacy. It has relied on geography, infrastructure and positional
leverage. Nowhere is this more visible than in areas connected to the broader
Kashmir region.
The Shaksgam
Valley illustrates this shift. Located along the China–Pakistan frontier, its
status is linked to the Pakistan–China Boundary Agreement signed in Beijing on
2 March 1963. Under this agreement, Pakistan recognized Chinese control over
Shaksgam, while China acknowledged Pakistan’s position elsewhere. A boundary
demarcation protocol followed in 1965. The agreement remains valid between the
two signatories.
India rejects
this arrangement, claiming the territory as part of the former princely state
of Jammu and Kashmir. Yet China’s position has not shifted. Beijing treats the
area as sovereign Chinese territory and asserts its right to develop
infrastructure there. This includes connectivity projects that intersect with
the China–Pakistan Economic Corridor, one of the flagship components of China’s
Belt and Road Initiative. This is not symbolic positioning. Infrastructure
changes realities. Roads, logistics routes and construction projects transform
cartographic claims into operational control. They create permanence. India’s
responses, in contrast, remain largely diplomatic and rhetorical.
This asymmetry
matters because Jammu and Kashmir is no longer insulated from major power
politics. India presents Kashmir as an internal and settled issue. Yet China’s
posture directly contradicts that narrative. A permanent member of the UN
Security Council does not recognize India’s claim over the entire former
princely state. That alone carries diplomatic weight.
China’s stance
also aligns with Pakistan’s long-standing argument that Kashmir remains
disputed under international frameworks. This convergence is strategically
significant. When a global power’s territorial practice overlaps with a
regional dispute, the issue ceases to be confined. It becomes structurally
international.
The United
States adds another layer of complexity. Washington does not endorse China’s
position, but it also avoids direct entanglement in India’s territorial claims.
The US prioritizes stability and its broader competition with Beijing. It
encourages India as a balancing force but avoids commitments that would draw it
into Himalayan disputes. This leaves India in a difficult position: strategically
encouraged, but not strategically guaranteed.
India therefore
faces pressure on two fronts. China applies material pressure through border
posture and infrastructure expansion. The US applies strategic expectation
without hard commitments. Between these poles, India must manage an unresolved
border, a sensitive internal security environment in Jammu and Kashmir and a
contested international narrative.
The
internal-external divide that India seeks to maintain on Kashmir is
increasingly porous. Developments in Shaksgam, Ladakh and surrounding areas
show that border infrastructure, military deployments and diplomatic signaling
are interconnected. Kashmir is not just a domestic governance issue; it is part
of a regional power equation.
China understands leverage in spatial terms. Control of heights, corridors and connectivity routes produces negotiating power. India’s diplomatic protests do not neutralize physical consolidation on the ground. Over time, material realities influence political outcomes. The broader risk is strategic miscalculation. India operates with shrinking maneuvering space. Its US partnership cannot be assumed as a security umbrella. Its China outreach has not resolved core disputes. Yet the territorial contest continues to evolve.
Jammu and Kashmir therefore becomes more than a bilateral dispute or an internal constitutional matter. It becomes a frontier in great power competition. That transformation carries long-term consequences. Once a dispute is tied to major power rivalry, de-escalation becomes harder, compromise becomes costlier and symbolism becomes insufficient. China has demonstrated consistency. The US has demonstrated conditional engagement. India must now confront a reality where strategic alignment has not removed territorial pressure. In this environment, ambiguity weakens positions rather than preserving flexibility.
The Himalayan
region is shifting from a peripheral borderland into a strategic hinge of Asian
geopolitics. The question is no longer whether Kashmir is internationalized in
rhetoric. It is being internationalized in practice, through power projection,
infrastructure and great power competition.
That is the
real transformation underway and it is reshaping the strategic future of the
region.
The author is the
head of the research and human rights department of Kashmir Institute of
International Relations (KIIR). She can be contacted at the following email
address: mehr_dua@yahoo.com, X @MHHRsays